There is no doubt that Frank Hague is Jersey City's most famous mayor. He served an incomparable 30 years as mayor of Jersey City from 1917 to 1947--seven consecutive terms and half of his eighth four-year term in office. They included the critical years of the Depression and World War II. The mayor's tenure is known as the "Hague era" in Jersey City history and is identified with "bossism" in American politics. Hague's stranglehold on politics transcended beyond Jersey City to the county, the state and the nation bringing him both significance and notoriety.
For his almost three decades as the "boss" of Jersey City and Hudson County, Hague proved a masterful politician. Unlike other political bosses of his time who worked behind the scenes, he ran for office, testing his popularity with the voters. Historian and novelist Thomas Fleming attributes Hague's popularity at the polls to his politically astute practices that went beyond the common stories of alleged electoral fraud. Hague managed to reorganize the Democratic Party in Hudson County to Jersey City's political advantage. He divided Jersey City into wards and smaller districts where neighborhood leaders, both male and female, dispensed patronage in return for votes. Hague's machine perfected the often-used political tactics of canvassing, transporting voters to the polls, and telephoning potential voters.
Hague gained the support of the city's large working class population who held him in high esteem. He championed their causes and obtained federal funding that provided employment during the Depression. Political patronage became a form of "municipal socialism" and served as the "safety net" not yet in vogue for the federal or state governments to extend. Hague kept big business in check, especially the local railroads and utility corporations. At the same time, he stood in the way of labor unionism as synonymous with communism and anti-Americanism. Hague's legacy, aptly described by Fleming as a "blend of violence and benevolence" (37), will most likely continue to be the source of much lively debate among those interested in Jersey City's history. Fleming, born and raised in Jersey City, acquired much of his information about Jersey City politics firsthand; his father Thomas Fleming was the Sixth Ward leader under Hague.
Frank Hague was born on January 17,1876, to Irish immigrants Margaret Fagen/Fagin and John Hague from County Cavan, the second of eight children. His father worked as a blacksmith and a bank guard. The family lived on a street of tenement houses commonly known as "Cork Row" in the Second Ward or "Horseshoe" district. Most of the Hague family's neighbors were recent immigrants, poor, and of Irish-Catholic background.
Hague's early life experiences in Jersey City's working-class neighborhoods often influenced his later public policies. Frank Hague and his mother Margaret, who died in 1921, both suffered from poor health and could not afford medical care. As mayor, Hague was determined to construct a facility to provide quality free health care for the city's poor. At age thirteen Hague was dismissed from school for poor attendance and unacceptable behavior. His own youthful indiscretions are said to be the basis for his intervention on behalf of two troublesome young men who were to be institutionalized. The under-aged boys were ineligible for employment and Hague argued for their release in his custody. His reported response, "I'm the law in this case" became the often repeated slogan "I am the law" which capture his unchallenged authority during the Hague era (Alexander 122). Hague later founded the Bureau of Special Service for troubled youth in the city.
With little education, cautious about taxing his health, and a taste for dressing well, Hague ventured into politics. His employment as a blacksmith's assistant for the Erie Railroad and as a boxing manager had quickly lost their appeal. Hague joined with the local Democratic Party and was befriended by H. Otto Wittpenn, a reform Democrat and later mayor of Jersey City (1908-1913). Hague captured his first political victory in 1896 as a ward constable. Ironically, Hague's early benefactor was tavern owner Nat Kenny, the father of Hague's future nemesis John V. Kenny. The six-foot tall Hague had impressed Kenny and his constituents with a combination of working class "from-the-neighborhood" appeal and a sartorial appearance called "Hanky-Panky" (Alexander 9). His high-necked collar, pocket-handkerchief and later-acquired diamond stickpin became his trademark attire.
Hague's popularity brought him continued political success. He was appointed a deputy sheriff in 1898, precinct leader in 1901, and ward leader in 1906. Even though Robert "Little Bob" Davis, the Democratic "boss" of Jersey City, opposed the decision, Mayor Wittpenn appointed the nineteen-year old Hague custodian of City Hall in 1908. Davis died in 1911 and Hague saw his chance to take on the role of political boss. After being elected street and water commissioner in 1911, Hague then broke with Wittpenn to join with other progressive reformers. Noting the rise to power of New Jersey's progressive reform Governor Woodrow Wilson, Hague championed charter reform for municipalities that would replace the mayor-council form of government with a commission form of government.
Jersey City's adoption of a commission form of government in 1913 under the Walsh Act proved an important stepping stone to Hague's political advancement. Hague, the reformer, was elected commissioner of public safety in 1916. In this capacity, he headed the police and fire departments. It allowed him to control appointments to these two vital service areas and thereby build a base for a patronage system that marked his political career. After decades of neglect, Commissioner Hague imposed a strict code of conduct on the members of the police force in pursuit of his goals to lower the crime rate. During his mayoralty, the city was said to be "crime free" with stepped-up security of one (1) law enforcement officer for every 3000 residents and a cadre of plainclothes officers, recruited from the horseshoe, known as "Zeppelins." They were invaluable to Hague's hard-fisted brand of law and order.
During the first decade of the twentieth century, ethnic and religious politics played a major role in the change of political leadership of Jersey City. Irish Catholics formed the largest voting bloc in the city and Hague emerged as the promise of change after control by Protestant Republicans who had represented Jersey City of an earlier era. According to local historian Barbara Petrick, Monsignor John Sheppard of St. Michael's Roman Catholic Church in the "Horseshoe," at 252 Ninth Street overlooking Hamilton Park, endorsed Hague in the parish bulletin when he ran for constable in 1908. Hague attended mass at St. Michael's, where he was baptized, with his mother until he married Jennie Warner in 1903 (Petrick 223). The approval of the local Church leaders and a promise of a "clean sweep" in Jersey City's politics advanced Hague's candidacy in the industrial Roman Catholic working-class community. According to political analysts Barbara G. Salmore and Stephen A. Salmore, "Hague embodied the resentment of Catholics and workers toward Protestants" (43).
In the 1917 mayoralty election Hague outmaneuvered both Wittpenn and Republican Mark M. Fagan, the first elected mayor under the new city charter. Hague ran with A. Harry Moore on the Democratic Party slate using the campaign slogan "The Unbossed" (Fleming 34). According to Fleming, "Moore ran slightly ahead of Hague--19,883 to 18,648--in the final count. But when the city commission met to organize for the new administration, they ignored the tradition that the man with the most votes had the first call on the mayor's job . . . . Hague was unanimously elected mayor" (Fleming 35).
Once in office, Mayor Hague sought to exercise his authority in the selection of New Jersey's top statewide office in 1919. Salmore and Salmore observe, "Between 1916 and 1940, Democrats won six of the nine gubernatorial contests, and their victories were usually attributable to Hudson landslides" (39-40). One of Hague's on-going battles with the state legislature was the lower tax valuation of the substantial percentage (30 percent) of railroad-owned property in Jersey City, especially on the waterfront. Holding the line on taxation of the railroads was the State Board of Tax Appeals. Hague realized that to raise the tax valuation and obtain the much-needed revenue for the city, he needed to place a cooperative governor in the state house to appoint new members to the tax board. That candidate was Edward I. Edwards. He was born in Jersey City, had been president of the First National Bank of Jersey City and a state senator from Hudson County. The Democratic gubernatorial candidate carried Jersey City with 50,000 votes that gave him a narrow but successful lead (217,486 to 202,976 votes) statewide. Soon after this demonstration of his ability to deliver the votes, Hague became the head of New Jersey Democratic Party delegation with the moniker for Hudson County to be the "Gibraltar of Democracy."
In return for his political success, Governor Edwards (1920-1923) delivered to Hague the opportunity to raise tens of thousands of dollars in city taxes not only on the railroads but also on the Standard Oil Company and the Public Service Corporation. Edwards also allowed Hague to name some members of the public utilities commission and members of the Hudson County tax board and board of elections.
Two other governors in Hague's debt were George S. Silzer (1923-1926) and three-term governor A. Harry Moore (1926-1929, 1932-1935 and 1938-1941). During Silzer's term, Hague got to name the county prosecutor. Born in Jersey City, Governor Moore was a former secretary (1908-1911) to Mayor Wittpenn and City Tax Collector (1911-1913). In 1939, he appointed Hague's thirty-four year old son Frank Hague, Jr., a justice to New Jersey's highest court, the Court of Errors and Appeals, for an annual salary of $9000 per year. Although Hague, Jr., passed the New Jersey bar, he did not graduate from the law schools he attended. Additionally, Hague's former corporate counsel Thomas Brogan was appointed chief justice of the New Jersey Supreme Court.
In 1932, Hague attended the Democratic National Convention in Chicago supporting Alfred E. Smith, the Irish-Catholic governor of New York for president, as he had done at the 1924 and 1928 national conventions. As a staunch Roman Catholic, Hague identified with Smith's opposition to Prohibition, which some held was directed toward the new European immigrants. It was with Smith's support that Hague became vice chair of the Democratic National Committee. When Smith lost his bid at the convention to become the party's presidential candidate, Hague quickly defected and cast his future with the party's choice, Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR). As if to make amends with the Roosevelt camp, Hague offered to stage a rally for FDR at Sea Girt, NJ, the summer mansion of New Jersey governors. Hague had staged a rally for Smith at Sea Girt in 1928 and would hold one in 1939 for New Jersey gubernatorial candidate Charles Edison, whom he grudgingly supported to please Roosevelt.
To FDR's amazement 120,000 supporters made their way to the New Jersey governor's mansion at Sea Girt, NJ, on August 27, 1932. According to Bob Leach of the Jersey City Historical Project, "Most of the supporters had been brought in from Hudson and Essex counties on one hundred chartered trains and fifty buses" (70). Jersey City attendees traveled by the Pennsylvania Rail Road from Exchange Place. The rally advanced Hague and Jersey City as a significant political force. Hague proved himself a master politician. He could "get out the vote" by using strategies such as canvassing, providing transportation and other incentives on Election Day. These tactics allowed Hague to deliver a plurality of votes to Democratic candidates of his choice in local, state, and national elections.
Hague's ability to "get out the vote" invokes another acclaimed hallmark of the Hague Era-- the misuse of the list of registered voters. One study claims that in 1937 Jersey City had 147,000 residents over age twenty-one, the legal voting age at the time while there were 160,050 residents registered to vote (Alexander 11). The inflated voter registration numbers reportedly came from laxity in removing from the list either those who had passed on or moved away from the city under New Jersey's permanent voter registration law. When the state legislature voted to introduce the use of electronic voting machines as a means of reform, Hague is said to have gotten Governor Moore to veto the legislation but it was subsequently re-passed over his veto. Hague's claimed that replacing the ballot box was unconstitutional and he managed to get the Hudson County Board of Freeholders to support his position. According to critic Jack Alexander, Hague even made the appeal that "40,000 of his humbler subjects would be disfranchised because they would find the pernicious voting machines too complicated to master" (119). By the 1940s, however, the virtual power of the paper ballot box in Hudson County gave way to technology.
Women became eligible to vote from adoption of the Suffrage (Nineteenth) Amendment in 1920 and Hague saw an opportunity to expand his voter-support base. Richard Connors in A Cycle of Power: The Career of Jersey City Mayor Frank Hague writes, "Hague courted the feminine vote and made it a major prop of his local power" (85). Ladies' auxiliaries were added to Jersey City Democratic ward clubs in the 1920s. Hague also sought a role model for women to garner their support for his administration and anointed candidates. For this role Hague chose Mary T. Norton, a community volunteer he had met during World War I, and convinced her to run as the first woman on the Hudson County Board of Chosen Freeholders in 1921. She convinced the county freeholders of the merits of constructing the Margaret Hague Maternity Hospital, named for Hague's mother. Hague then advanced Norton's candidacy to represent his congressional district in the House of Representatives to which she successfully was elected for thirteen consecutive terms (1923-1949). Norton's seniority in the House of Representative by the time of the Depression afforded her the ability to secure funds for Hague's jobs creation program in Jersey City under the Works Progress Administration (WPA).
The federally funded program resulted in grants and loans for the construction of the A. Harry Moore School, Roosevelt Stadium and the completion of the Medical Center Complex begun by Hague. According to Fleming, "some $47,000 in WPA funds alone poured into Jersey City, enabling Hague to complete his medical center on a scale so large that the hospital's staff frequently outnumbered the patients" (42). In 1940, a critic of Hague's gargantuan project, the third largest hospital in the nation, writes that "the Medical Center is a costly experiment in socialized medicine" and was "disproportionately magnificent for the size of Jersey City, and it is a financial white elephant" (Alexander 121).
The Depression and New Deal probably extended Hague's political tenure beyond that of any of his predecessors. By the end of the era, Hague won his sixth term as mayor in 1937 with 110,743-to-6798 votes or 94.2 percent of the votes cast--the height of his career. Ward leaders, who intervened at City Hall for those in need, distributed jobs, food baskets, summer picnics and excursions, and paid funeral and health care expenses. Three high schools, Snyder, Ferris and Lincoln, and five elementary schools were built to increase educational opportunities available to Jersey City's youth. Furthermore, Hague, who neither smoked nor drank coffee or liquor, fulfilled his reform pledge to the voters. He allowed no nightclubs or houses of prostitution in the city, kept the streets clean of litter and vagrants, and banned the presence of women in bars; he limited gambling to games of chance for churches and those, such as the numbers' racket, from which he took profits. Each New Year's Day, the recipients of Hague's largesse had an opportunity to show their gratitude by queuing up at City Hall to shake the hand of the mayor who made it possible.
Hague undoubtedly controlled the city and he frequently exercised that control with a denial of free speech to those with whom he disagreed. Hague was lukewarm about labor unions as he hoped to lure additional industrial plants to his working class community. This opinion led him to attempt to prevent the Congress for Industrial Organizations (CIO), which he opposed in 1937 as a communist organization, to found a labor union in Jersey City. At the time working conditions at the Harborside Terminal at Exchange Place were under scrutiny by the union. Hague invoked a local anti-littering ordinance to deny the CIO a police permit to hold a public meeting and to prevent the labor union from distributing pamphlets explaining the rights of citizens to collective bargaining under the National Labor Relations Act. Hague also had Norman Thomas, the Socialist Party presidential candidate, run out of town when he tried to campaign at Journal Square.
The American Civil Liberties Union challenged Hague for a denial of free speech and use of a public facility. Hague responded by citing the case of Davis v. Massachusetts (1897) that held that a city had control over the use of public places. The dispute resulted in the US Supreme Court case Hague v. CIO (1939). The court ruled that Hague had "deprived respondents of the privileges of free speech and peaceable assembly secured to them, as citizens of the United States, by the Fourteenth Amendment . . . and [he] could not deny the public access to tax-supported public facilities for assembly nor free speech" (Hague v. CIO, 307 US 496,1939). Perhaps in deference to Hague for his years of support, FDR did nothing about reported confiscation of CIO postal mailings in Jersey City. Roosevelt's restraint apparently paid off. Roosevelt later ran for an unprecedented third and fourth terms for the American presidency that required the support of the Hudson County "boss."
Hague and Roosevelt were not always in accord politically. In 1940, FDR chose to support the candidacy of Charles Edison for governor of New Jersey. Edison, the son of New Jersey resident and inventor Thomas A. Edison, publicly made it known that he was independent of any one's influence that kept Hague at a safe distance. Once he was elected Edison forgave the railroads millions of dollars in back taxes and proposed a state tax on municipalities where they operated. This irritated Hague who found himself with no recourse. The railroad lobby controlled the state legislature, the branch of state government Hague could not penetrate.
As mayor, Hague reportedly earned a salary between $7500 and $8000 a year. But his lifestyle defied that salary range. He lived in a fourteen-room duplex apartment on the ninth and tenth floors at 2600 Kennedy (then Hudson) Boulevard. The top floor rooms offered the mayor a panoramic view east across the Hudson River, south to the Bayonne and west to Newark Bay. One main attraction on the ninth floor was a mahogany paneled library. Hague had homes in Deal, NJ, said to cost $125,720, and Miami Beach, FL; he also used a rented suite at the Plaza Hotel in New York City and took frequent vacations to Paris with his wife. Hague enjoyed the "sport of kings" and was frequently observed at the racetrack, ready to place his bets with $1000 bills. He donated a $50,000 marble altar at St. Aedan's Roman Catholic Church on Bergen Avenue in memory of his parents. Hague traveled in a bulletproof automobile and was flanked by bodyguards.
What was the source of Hague's wealth? True to his anti-big business bias, Hague's wealth did not come from deals with major corporations of the times. The revenue for his extravagances, it is claimed, came from paybacks from real estate deals in the city, a percentage of the city's gaming operations (numbers' racket, card games and off-track betting, frequently referred to as "Horse Bourse"), and local patronage. The latter came from the three-percent salary kickback, known as "rice pudding," charged to the annual salaries of municipal employees and the mandatory thirty-percent return on salary raises. According to Fleming this brought Hague between $500,000 to $1,000,000 a year (39-40). When residents asked where the money was spent, the response was that they were used for "political purposes" (Alexander 121). Alexander, in his study of comparable local American communities and their payrolls, claims Hague ingratiated himself from a bloated payroll of employees in city departments with questionable job descriptions and one of the best paid police and fire departments.
After thirty years in City Hall, Hague retired in the middle of his eighth term as mayor on June 4, 1947, at age seventy-two, in what Thomas Fleming called "a great smokescreen" (44). The continuum for his behind the scene control was arranged with the city's Board of Commissioners; it appointed Hague's nephew Frank Hague Eggers as his successor and John "Needle Nose" Malone as deputy mayor. Many pundits hold that Mayor Hague tired of the political arena. Others contend that after thirty years of vying for power, he had lost the will to power. Hague was frequently away from the Jersey City vacationing in more elite places such as Paris. He continued as chair of the state and county Democratic parties and vice chair of the Democratic National Committee until 1949.
Various reasons have been given for Hague's decline. Jersey City's population reached its nadir during the 1930s. However, in 1940 the US Census Bureau reported a population decline by 15,000 to 301,012. This represented a loss of property owners and voters and affected the city's revenue base. Postwar Hudson County was changing. Older ethnic groups in Jersey City were leaving for the suburbs and replaced by Polish, Italian, eastern Europeans, and African Americans. Hague's failure to recognize the new constituents with representation in his administration grew stale at the polls. Returning veterans to the city began to react to machine-run politics. The municipal socialism, now called "Hagueism," became outdated. New government sponsored social services offered assistance that patronage through the ward leaders once provided
Hague's last major political stand on behalf of the city was over the revision of the New Jersey constitution. Hague had long held firm against the drafting of the state's third and present constitution. Among his early concerns were provisions for a state income tax, changes regarding the tenure and pensions of public employees, and taxation of church property. Republican governor Alfred E. Driscoll (1947-1954), who led the movement to rewrite the constitution in 1947, met with Hague to ensure the mayor that his concerns about the new constitution would be honored. There would be no special treatment for the railroads whose taxes were essential to municipalities like Jersey City. Also, the status of gambling in the form of legalized bingo and other games of chance that benefited churches and charities would not be banned. Mayor Eggers was invited to represent Hague at the convention held at Rutgers, the State University.
On October 7, 1948, Hague staged his last political rally for Democratic Party president Harry S. Truman. A torch light parade began at Montgomery Street near McGinley Square and ran along Monticello Avenue. The festivities that included fifty bands and fireworks attracted 200,000 spectators. It culminated with a rally at Lincoln High School auditorium for 2000.
After he left office, Hague divided his time between his home at Key Biscayne, FL, or his Park Avenue penthouse. He stayed away from Jersey City because of pending legal suits against him regarding salary kickbacks. His "cash" operations had long confounded federal and state investigations into his financial affairs. Hague also managed to avoid prosecution despite the many charges of corruption and impropriety. Many of his political tactics were not yet subject to the criminal code and possibly incriminating documents at City Hall were destroyed.
Hague's personal control of Jersey City formally came to an end with the mayoralty election on May 10, 1949. John V. Kenny, who campaigned on the Freedom Ticket, removed Hague's successor Eggers by a margin of 4-to-3 or 22,000 votes. Kenny, also from the Horseshoe, had been one of Hague's lieutenants, known as the "Twelve Apostles." Kenny presented himself as a reformer as Hague had done and, to the surprise of many, Kenny carried the Second Ward where Hague had started his amazing career.
Hague died in his apartment at 480 Park Avenue, New York City, on January 1, 1956, at age 79, and is buried in an impressive mausoleum at the north-central part of Holy Name Cemetery in Jersey City. Arrangements were made by the Lawrence G. Quinn Funeral Home, 298 Academy Street, and a requiem high mass was celebrated at St. Aedan's Church. He was survived by his wife, son Frank Hague, Jr. and adopted daughter Ann "Peggy" Loughran (d. August 25, 2016).
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